In this hard week scenario, we must add the reaction that the dollar will have when the banks return to operate with the sale of the US $ 200 of the savings quota, after 10 days of a virtual exchange holiday that only brought uncertainties and extra costs to the country. There is a dispute over criteria between the Minister of Economy, Martín Guzmán and the president of the Central Bank, Miguel Pesce, who is also awaiting definition.
And behind the even more complicated decisions of politics crowd. Alberto Fernández is today a President who raises much less doubts than at the beginning of his mandate regarding his power relationship with Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. The pandemic did not drive them away, nor did it feed independence of criteria, quite the contrary. It is not a secret since the Vice President visits the Olivos Residence more often than is known to have lunch or hold meetings with the President. Various topics, but always with a complicated definition, such as the future of the dollar or the co-participation that the City has in the middle of the scene. The relationship between the two regarding decisions is direct. The radicals who visited Alberto Fernández in Olivos with Martin Lousteau and Enrique Nosiglia at the helm left that meeting with the clear idea that from that residence there is more conversation with the Senate than they believed.
In the Argentina, due to the discretion that comes with it and the multiple economic crises that occur decade after decade and that impact provinces, Federal Tax Coparticipation is the salt of politics; their distribution can define successful or unsuccessful governors. Cristina de Kirchner knows it and used that tool like few others when she was President. Hence, it was impossible to ignore the opinion of the president of the Senate of the councils that led Alberto F. to send the bill to cut funds to Horacio Rodríguez Larreta. The Buenosairean chief always knew that the main danger that came to him with this government was precisely that: that he could get the extra points he had obtained; A danger that Axel Kicillof does not have as he is within the same ruling party, although in numbers the province has also benefited from more funds during Mauricio Macri's mandate.
The reality is that the City was a victim of these departures and turns with the coparticipation since Raúl Alfonsín managed to vote in 1988 the last complete Federal Coparticipation Law that was approved in Argentina, 23. 548. In order to close this law, which is always zero-sum, it "sacrificed" the Federal Capital, which at that time had no way of defending itself since it was not autonomous and depended on the President of the Nation. The province of Buenos Aires also suffered an ax blow that every government since Alejandro Armendariz left the governorship never stopped claiming; Eduardo Duhalde with his Conurbano Fund and María Eugenia Vidal with his reparation, included.
Kicillof also has his fight with the “secondary co-participation”, but from the province. In that, the mayors, who still watch the videos of what the Buenos Aires Police revolt was, have a central role. The universe of inmates is so juicy that the events of Sergio Berni, extremely useful to cover the increasingly complicated leg of security in the provincial image, end up being almost a minor game that, in addition, Cristina de Kirchner and Kicillof manage the perfection. This Buenos Aires balancing exercise has as a central component the renewals in municipalities, which in many cases do not have re-election and which, together with the lists, will go through the direct audit of the president of the Senate, which also explains quite a lot some images Recent
In Together for Change, the air is not calmer. Rodríguez Larreta and Vidal have the same degree of disappointment in their dialogue relationship with the Government. The Buenos Aires chief continues to invoice the President for always having been called for pictures of the quarantine and in return receiving the ax without prior notice. Vidal feels something similar with Kicillof. The former governor is convinced that she did everything to not complicate governance for Kicillof and in return she received not only criticism and little willingness to dialogue. The problem is that these poses of Kirchnerism pave the way for tough guys like Patricia Bullrich or Macri himself.
In the complaints there are also the Buenos Aires mayors of Cambiemos who listen to Kicillof's challenges, every time they have meetings with him even for statements they make in local media. There is a communication language between them and the governor that still needs to be polished.
Lousteau was the maker of the meeting at the Buenos Aires Government Headquarters between Emilio Monzó and Vidal. The relationship between them is better, but not "as better" as some media claimed. Little by little they intend to heal the wounds that were opened with all their force in the assembly of Buenos Aires lists of 2017 and 2019.
“The unity of the dialogists in Together for Change is guaranteed for now with Larreta and Vidal . Everything else remains to be seen ”, they assure in the macrismo. Vidal, together with Cristian Ritondo, starred yesterday in a Zoom organized by Mario Negri from Cordoba. They had 3,000 participants. "It's over there," defined one of the shipowners of that meeting. Monzó is still far from that path. To be a candidate in 2023, you need a roster that has a pulling head. Perhaps that is why in the Zoom that Monzó organizes together with Rogelio Frigerio and Nicolás Massot, the possibility of a candidacy of Elisa Carrió in the province of Buenos Aires is mentioned insistently, when the Chaqueña did not even give authorization to anyone so that play it in options.